Time for stark choice — Sharon or peace
www.jordantimes.com/Thu/region/region2.htm
By Ahmed Bouzid
www.pmwatch.org
ARIEL SHARON has never minced words about his
long-term vision for Israel and the future he has in
store for his Palestinian neighbours. Asked in an
interview with the Israeli newspaper Haaretz back in
April of this year, only a few weeks after becoming
prime minister “Would you be ready to evacuate
settlements as part of a non-belligerency agreement?”,
Sharon answered bluntly: “No. Absolutely not.”
“Not even isolated settlements like Netzarim in the
Gaza Strip?,s” the interviewer followed up; “No. Not
at any price. Why do we have to evacuate Netzarim? For
what?,” Sharon answered, unwavering.
Sharon's vision is and has always been that of a
greater Israel in full control of what he calls Judea
and Samaria (what the rest of the world calls the West
Bank) and the Gaza Strip. Within this greater Israel,
Palestinians would be confined to “security zones”
dotted by settlements and army bases, their movement
closely watched and regulated, and their economy
tightly controlled and subservient to that of Israel.
Palestinians within this scheme would be allowed to
“administer” themselves — that is, take care of the
day-to-day chores of picking up garbage, sweeping the
streets, regulating traffic jams and chasing common
thieves — but would under no circumstances be allowed
to build an independent economy or to live free from
outside interference as a sovereign nation should.
In other words, Ariel Sharon wants to turn the
indigenous four million Palestinians that surround
Israel into the equivalent of America's Natives:
Formally recognise them as forming “a nation”, but
recognise them as such only nominally. (It is no
coincidence that the one successful business in the
West Bank and Gaza before the outbreak of the second
Intifada was the casino industry!)
Small wonder, then, that when President Bush stated
publicly that the United States envisions, and has
always envisioned, a Palestinian state as the end
point of a final settlement, Ariel Sharon shot back
with a bitter reference to the 1938 sellout of
Czechoslovakia to the Germans. Israel should not be
sacrificed for the sake of building a coalition with
the Arabs, Sharon protested, drawing a sharp rebuke
from a White House growing increasingly impatient with
the unwieldy prime minister.
Sharon of course meant every word when he said that
recognition of a Palestinian state was tantamount to
sacrificing Israel. And he was right: The existence of
a sovereign Palestinian state on “Judea and Samaria”
means the end of what Sharon calls the “Zionist
project” and the end of Israel as he envisions it.
So, then, where does this leave the Bush
administration and its Mitchell Plan, which calls for,
among other things, a total freeze on any future
settlement building? Nowhere. The Mitchell Plan is a
non-starter as long as Ariel Sharon is in power and
his vision of a greater Israel remains alive. If the
peace process and progress towards a final resolution
to the conflict are to become reachable goals once
again — as they were tantalisingly close to becoming
during the last round of negotiations with Barak in
Taba, a few weeks before Barak's defeat — Ariel Sharon
must leave office and the Zionist project of a greater
Israel must come to a close.
Back in 1991, George Bush the father, facing an
unyielding Yitzhak Shamir, threatened Israel with
withholding financial aid if settlement building in
the occupied territories continued. That confrontation
resulted in the convening of a conference in Madrid
that included Israelis, Americans, Syrians, and other
Arab representatives, along with some Palestinians who
did not officially represent the PLO. For the first
time ever, and after decades of stalling and
detracting, attacking and then crying wolf, after
years of obfuscation, Israel finally agreed to
negotiate.
George Bush the son faces a similar situation now, but
his opportunity is far more significant than the one
created by his father's bold challenge to Yitzhak
Shamir. With the godfather of radical, expansionist
Zionism at the helm of Israel's government, George
Bush the son has the opportunity to confront head on,
and bring an end to, the very idea of expansionist
Zionism.
If the 1991 altercation teaches one thing, it is that
Israel will sacrifice anything except its special
relationship with the United States. This provides
George W. Bush with an opening to offer the Israelis a
stark choice — as he knows very well how to do: Either
you are with us or you are with Ariel Sharon. Either
give up the notion of a greater Israel or give up
support from the United States.
A Sharon felled by direct and open US pressure will
once and for all inoculate Israel against the
temptation to pursue the greater Israel project. At
which point, lasting peace with the Palestinians will
at long last become a tangible possibility.
The question is, will Bush the son dare be so bold as
to emulate his father?
The writer is president of Palestine Media Watch. He
contributed this article to The Jordan Times.
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