NOT TO BEGIN AT THE END
by Mahmoud Darwish
Below is a translation of the full text, written in Arabic by Mahmoud
Darwish, that will be broadcast on 15 May, the 53rd anniversary of the
creation of the State of Israel, and the beginning of the Palestinian
Nakba. The day will be marked by mass demonstrations throughout the
Palestinian territories
Al-Ahram Weekly On-line
Today is the great day of remembrance. We are not looking back to dig up
the evidence of a past crime, for the Nakba is an extended present that
promises to continue in the future. We do not need anything to help us
remember the human tragedy we have been living for the past 53 years: we
continue to live in the here and now. We continue to resist its
consequences, here and now, on the land of our homeland, the only
homeland we have. Nor will we forget what was done to us on this land of
grief and what continues to be done. And this is not because collective
and individual memory is fertile, is capable of recalling our sad lives,
but because the tragic and heroic story of the land and the people
continues to be told in blood-in the open conflict between what they
want us to be and what we want to be.
As the Israeli engineers of the Nakba announce on this day of
remembrance that the 1948 War has not yet ended, they unmask, and
scandalously so, only the mirage of their peace, a mirage that appeared
over the last decade with its suggestion of a promise of the possibility
of bringing an end to the conflict, an end that would be based on [two
peoples] sharing the same land; they unmask, too, and scandalously so,
the incompatibility of the Zionist project-so long as that project's aim
of exterminating the Palestinian people remains on the agenda-with
peace.
For the Palestinians the meaning of this war consists in their being
subjected to continual uprooting, in their transformation into refugees
on their own land and beyond it, in the attempt, following the
occupation of their land and history, to banish their existence, to turn
their existence from an unequivocal entity in space and time to
redundant shadows exiled from space and time.
But the Nakba-makers have not managed to break the will of the
Palestinian people or efface their national identity-not by
displacement, not by massacres, not by the transformation of illusion
into reality or by the falsification of history. After five decades they
have managed neither to force us into absence and oblivion nor to
divorce Palestinian reality from world consciousness through their false
mythologies and the fabrication of a moral immunity bestowing upon the
victim of the past the right to create his own victims.
There is no such thing as a sacred executioner. Today the memory of the
Nakba comes at the height of the Palestinian struggle in defence of
their being, of their natural right to freedom and self-determination on
a part of their historical homeland, and this after conceding more than
was ever necessary for international legitimacy to make peace possible.
When the moment of truth drew near, the true essence of the Israeli
concept of peace was unmasked: continued occupation under another name,
under better conditions [for the occupier], and at a lower cost. The
Intifada-yesterday, today, tomorrow-is the natural and legitimate
expression of resistance against slavery, against an occupation
characterised by the ugliest form of apartheid, one that seeks, under
the cover of an elusive peace process, to dispossess the Palestinians of
their land and the source of their livelihood, and to restrict them to
isolated reservations besieged by settlements and by-passes, until the
day comes when, after consenting to "end their demands and struggle,"
they are allowed to call their cages a state.
The Intifada is, in essence, a popular and civil movement. It does not
constitute a break with the notion of peace but seeks to salvage this
notion from the injustices of racism, returning it to its true parents,
justice and freedom, by preventing Israel's colonialist project from
continuing in the West Bank and Gaza under the cover of a peace process
Israeli leaders have emptied of any content.
Our wounded hands are yet capable of extracting the wilting olive branch
from the rubble of massacred groves, but only if the Israelis attain the
age of reason and concede our legitimate national rights, defined by
international resolutions foremost among which are: the right of return,
complete withdrawal from Palestinian land occupied in 1967, and the
right to self-determination and an independent sovereign state with
Jerusalem as its capital. For just as there can be no peace with
occupation, neither can there be one between masters and slaves.
The international community cannot-as it did in the year of Nakba-turn a
blind eye to what is happening in the land of Palestine for much longer.
Israeli aggression is still besieging Palestinian society, still killing
and assassinating with the excess of destructive power it commands over
an unarmed people, a people defending all that remains of their
imperiled existence, the rubble of their houses, their olive groves
threatened with yet more uprooting.
The nature of the war declared on the Palestinian people will be
determined by the international attention it attracts, for it embodies
the struggle between conflicting international values: on the one hand
are the forces that aim to enable colonialist Zionism and apartheid to
live on under new names and formulas, on the other forces that insist on
the necessity of justice and truth in this part of the world.
The involvement of other states and peoples in the confrontation raging
in Palestine today, and their standing by a Palestinian people deprived
of normal life, proves not only that these states and peoples are
committed to political stability in the Middle East as a means of
protecting their interests but tests, too, a moral position that, in
turn, examines the credibility of freedom, justice and equality in the
lives and cultures of these peoples.
International protection against the brutal terrorism practised against
them by the Israeli regime-which seems to place itself above
international law and order-has, for the Palestinians, become an urgent
necessity. It is necessary not only to purge the sin of the past but
also to prevent the perpetration of future sins, the adding of yet
another chapter to the book of the Nakba. But instead of acknowledging
its responsibility for the Naqba and the tragedy of the refugees-a
necessary prerequisite for any political settlement-Israel is enlarging
the Book of the Nakba, reversing the struggle back to its original
cultural premise, its initial battlefield-reminding us that no story can
begin at the end.
We have not forgotten the beginning, not the keys to our houses, the
street lamps lit by our blood, not the martyrs who nourished the unity
of land, people and history, not the living who were born on the road
that can only, as long as the spirit of the homeland remains alive
inside us, lead to a homeland of the spirit.
We shall forget neither yesterday nor tomorrow. Tomorrow begins now. It
begins with an insistence that the road be travelled to the end, the
road of freedom, the road of resistance, travelled all the way till the
eternal twins-freedom and peace-meet.
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