February 4, 2002
The following article I wrote appeared in The Philadelphia Inquirer on
Sunday, February 3.
Letters to the editor can be sent to inquirer.letters@phillynews.com
Letters should be brief, and include the sender's name, address and
telephone number.
Ali Abunimah
www.abunimah.org
U.S. approach hurts all parties
By Ali Abunimah
The Philadelphia Inquirer
Sunday, February 3, 2002
inq.philly.com/content/inquirer/2002/02/03/opinion/ABUNIMAH03.htm
The U.S. policy toward the worsening Israeli-Palestinian conflict
has swung from deliberately ignoring the escalating violence before
Sept. 11, to open confrontation with Israel immediately afterward,
to complete identification with Ariel Sharon now.
Meanwhile, horrifying attacks like the Jan. 17 killing of six
Israelis at a bat mitzvah in Hadera by a Palestinian, and the
deliberate flattening of dozens of Palestinian refugee homes in
Gaza, and indiscriminate killings of Palestinian civilians by the
Israeli army continue to take an intolerable toll for both sides.
The immediate pretext for the latest U.S. shift toward Israel,
however, was not any particular act of violence, but the capture
Jan. 3 of the Karine A, a weapons ship allegedly destined for the
Palestinian Authority. In the midst of an open conflict in which
Israel has used every conventional weapon available to it - from
M-16 rifles to F-16 warplanes - against Palestinians, who could
really be surprised if some Palestinians seek to even the playing
field? Or is the Bush administration - riding high on the war on
terrorism but increasingly vulnerable due to the recession and the
growing Enron scandal - simply unwilling to expend any political
capital in an election year to challenge the instransigent Israeli
lobby?
It will be a disaster if short-term domestic political
considerations are allowed to trump the future of millions of
ordinary Israelis and Palestinians, and the long-term U.S. interest
in seeing these peoples at last live together in peace. The current
U.S. approach, while seemingly pro-Israeli, will eventually hurt
Israel as much as it will harm Palestinians.
Even before his latest moves against Palestinian organizations, many
Palestinians openly criticized Arafat for making major compromises
without any concrete gains. In 1993 he led the PLO to recognize
Israel within secure boundaries and agreed to negotiate while
occupation and settlement construction continued. Arafat's modest
goal was to gain a state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Yet at the
July 2000 Camp David summit, Ehud Barak, Israel's prime minister at
the time, offered Palestinians not independence but a form of
super-autonomy that would maintain all the structures of Israeli
domination.
Meanwhile, Israeli land confiscation and routine human-rights abuses
had made life under a seemingly endless occupation so intolerable
that the Palestinian population rebelled. Israel's deadly response
to stone-throwing demonstrators lit the match to the ongoing orgy of
violence.
Israel's humiliation and virtual imprisonment of Arafat does not
deprive Palestinians of a beloved or highly respected leader - far
from it. Yet it does threaten to destroy an important milestone for
Israelis and Palestinians alike: the idea that a Palestinian leader,
even a flawed one, can recognize Israel and make deep compromises
for a workable peace. This may be precisely what Sharon and his
supporters want, since they have never given up the dream of a
Greater Israel stretching from the Mediterrannean to the Jordan
River and perhaps beyond.
Palestinians who watch as the United States echoes that Arafat must
crush all resistance to Israel, while Israel is allowed to do as it
pleases, will be driven to conclude that fulfillment of their rights
will come neither from making peace with Israel, nor from any
intervention by the United States.
This will strengthen support for those who believe the occupation
will end only when the price of maintaining it becomes too high for
Israel to bear. While Palestinians want only to live in peace and
security in their own land, enough of them have been brutalized for
so long that they no longer fear Israel or death. Hence no level of
violence by the Israeli occupation will force Palestinians to
acquiesce to it.
The Palestinian cause will survive the Arafat era, and Palestinians
will be no less determined to win their freedom. But will the
bloodshed have escalated so far that prospects for peace are even
more remote than they are now? The United States can help answer
that question, but the signs are not encouraging.
Ali Abunimah is vice president of the Arab American Action Network in
Chicago.
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